Following the assassination of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family on August 15, 1975, numerous individuals and events emerged, including the involvement of derailed soldiers, Khondaker Mostaq’s assumption of power, and Major Dalim’s radio announcement. However, historians argue that none benefited more from Bangabandhu’s murder than Ziaur Rahman. Despite holding the position of Deputy Chief of Army Staff in 1975, he swiftly ascended to become the Chief of Army Staff, then the Chief of the Executive Department, and ultimately the Head of State within a brief span. Utilizing the power of the military akin to tactics employed in Pakistan, he effectively dismantled the country’s political landscape in just five years.
Many critics of Ziaur Rahman have accused him of passing the indemnity bill to shield the murderers of Bangabandhu and subsequently sending them abroad. However, the truth goes beyond mere protection; Zia not only granted them immunity but also orchestrated their departure from the country, ensuring that none of Bangabandhu’s assassins could challenge his authority. In doing so, he effectively eliminated a potential threat to his power by removing them from the national scene.
During a 2020 webinar, American journalist Lawrence Lifschulz asserted that Ziaur Rahman became embroiled in numerous conflicts in his quest for absolute power, notably during the October 1977 incident. Lifschulz suggested that evidence emerged implicating Zia directly in the event, with various incidents indicating his connections with Pakistan and other entities. Colonel Shakhwat Ali and Moin Chowdhury reportedly detailed how approximately 3,000 army soldiers were apprehended and subsequently killed during that tumultuous period.
In an interview with the Daily Ittefaq, American journalist Lawrence Lifschultz who extensively researched the assassination and conspiracy surrounding Bangabandhu, asserted that Ziaur Rahman was the primary instigator within the circle of the killer Major. According to the journalist, the assassination of Mujib would not have been feasible without Zia’s direct support.
In the book “Bangabandhu Assassination,” Professor Abu Sayeed, citing himself and an eyewitness military officer, recounts that following Mujib’s assassination, Ziaur Rahman expressed elation and admiration towards Major Dalim. Zia reportedly exclaimed, “You have done a great, wonderful job. Let me kiss you, kiss you,” before embracing Dalim with deep emotion.
His subsequent action involved the imposition of martial law and the summary execution of officers and soldiers within the army, all aimed at asserting control over the powerful military while projecting the zenith of his authority. By instilling fear among army ranks and swiftly eliminating potential challengers within the military hierarchy, he sought to solidify his autocratic grip on power. In his works titled “Bloody Darkness: Mass Execution and Lawlessness in the Armed Forces in 1977” and “Mysterious Coup and Mass Execution,” journalist and researcher Zayedul Ahsan Pintu elucidated that Ziaur Rahman orchestrated trials that deprived over 1300 military personnel of a fair defense, thus hastening their executions. Similarly, in the documentary book “Genocide in the Armed Forces (1975-1981)” authored by young journalist and researcher Anwar Kabir in 2010, emphasis is placed on the execution of Colonel Taher, those implicated in the Chittagong army mutiny and Zia’s assassination, alongside the fate of numerous soldiers who went missing. Notably, in the failed military coup, Corporal Khairul Anwar was sentenced to eight years in prison, during which he bore witness to the unjust execution of innocent individuals.
Within the pages of that book, Raisuddin Arif, a prisoner who bore witness to the mass executions at Dhaka Jail, recounted their harrowing experiences. He described his cell was close to the gallows, where groups of individuals were hanged every night. The agonizing screams of the condemned haunted the nearby prisoners, rendering sleep impossible amidst the grim atmosphere.
In his book ‘A Legacy of Blood,’ Mascarenhas, citing official records, revealed that a staggering 1143 soldiers were executed within a mere two months following the failed coup on October 2, 1977. Many others received lengthy sentences ranging from 10 years to life imprisonment. This unprecedented wave of punishment stands as a chilling testament in the annals of Bangladesh’s history, unparalleled in its demonic severity. Some individuals were swiftly brought to trial and condemned to death, with General Zia personally overseeing their cases and granting approval before their expeditious executions.
In September 2023, family members of victims from the Bangladesh Air Force and Army called for the posthumous trial of Ziaur Rahman regarding the killings perpetrated under the guise of quelling rebellion and conspiracy. These victims, organized under the banner of a group named ‘Mayer Kanna,’ alleged that the then-President Ziaur Rahman orchestrated a coup during the hijacking of a Japanese plane in Dhaka on October 2, 1977. Subsequently, under the pretext of suppressing what they termed as rebellion, Ziaur Rahman purportedly subjected innocent military personnel to expedited trials in military courts, followed by execution the same night. These executions took place in central jails located in Dhaka, Comilla, Chittagong, Rangpur, Jessore, and Bogra, under the cover of curfew and darkness.
Assuming the roles of chief of staff and chief executive, Zia inaugurated what was termed as “democracy” in independent Bangladesh, establishing the BNP. It’s widely believed that he founded this party while in the cantonment, gathering leaders and activists who had either fled or been expelled from various factions.
Concurrently, the military and civilian authorities initiated a crackdown on Awami League leaders and activists, a trend that intensified during Zia’s tenure. Amidst this atmosphere, Zia released certain Awami League figures from detention and held a referendum, where the outcome seemed predetermined prior to the vote. Notably, this election stands as a unique event in Bangladeshi history, marked by widespread voter fraud to the extent of reporting 100% turnout at several polling stations! Zia chose such farce mainly to ease international pressure.
In one of his columns, journalist Bibhuranjan Sarkar highlighted that approximately one month following Zia’s assumption of power as Chief of Army Staff, the Indemnity Ordinance was issued on September 26, 1975. This ordinance declared that individuals implicated in the August 15 massacre could not be prosecuted in any court. On November 7, 1975, Zia effectively consolidated power by maneuvering Justice Sayem, who had been sworn in as President, to the forefront. Initially assuming the role of Chief Martial Law Administrator from Justice Sayem, Zia subsequently eclipsed him, emerging as the central figure in authority. Under martial law, Zia held the national parliamentary elections on February 18, 1979. In this election, Zia’s newly formed political entity, the BNP, comprising a coalition of disparate elements including opportunists and anti-liberation factions, achieved an unprecedented victory, securing two-thirds of the parliamentary seats.
Despite being recognized as a freedom fighter, Zia appointed the infamous Shah Aziz, a top Razakar, to the position of Prime Minister. This decision was made despite Zia’s own background. The parliament, under Shah Aziz’s leadership, passed a bill legalizing all ordinances and proclamations issued during martial law from August 15, 1975, to April 9, 1979. Consequently, the Indemnity Ordinance was incorporated into the Constitution, despite its widely perceived as an anti-civilized and barbaric measure.
Prior to this election, Zia exerted considerable effort to diminish the influence of the Awami League, albeit unsuccessfully. Consequently, he reintroduced Jamaat-e-Islam to Bangladeshi politics, paving the way for religious-based political participation in the country. Essentially, he provided Jamaat-e-Islam with a political platform in Bangladesh with the aim of weakening the Awami League’s hold. He famously declared, “I will make politics difficult for politicians.” Interestingly, despite such remarks in public, Zia is now hailed as the ‘Father of Democracy’ by the BNP! How funny!
Instead, Bangladesh followed the trajectory set by Ziaur Rahman, who, akin to Ayub Khan, conducted a referendum even after his demise for nearly a decade. In essence, Ershad, during his military dictatorship, continued to exploit the framework established by Zia. Similar to Ziaur Rahman, Ershad too fostered religion-based politics, recognizing its significance in garnering public support for any dictator in Bangladesh.
It’s evident that Bangabandhu aimed to establish a coalition government involving all parties in the war-torn Bangladesh. This decision held both political and constitutional significance, being formulated within the national parliament and receiving approval from all political factions. However, Ziaur Rahman emerged as a figure who disregarded constitutional principles, introducing a series of authoritarian laws, starting with the indemnity law, according to his whims. He displayed scant regard for both the executive and judicial branches, treating the army as his personal tool of authority.
Through her unwavering commitment and enduring sacrifices, Awami League President and current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has steered Bangladesh back onto the democratic path, rescuing it from the unconstitutional and undemocratic path set by Ziaur Rahman. Under the guidance of Bangabandhu’s daughter, democracy has been restored in Bangladesh after a prolonged struggle, with Sheikh Hasina leading the charge since 1981.